Booman Tribune





Find textbooks at Alibris!
THE BOOKS WITH "BUZZ":
______________

The roots of the bubble and the story of Wall Street's collapse can be told no clearer — nor with as much humor — as by Michael Lewis. If you read only one book that explains the current economic crisis, make it The Big Short.
:

"The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine
by Michael Lewis

Check out the new biography of Barack Obama that is getting rave reviews:


The Bridge: The Life and Rise of Barack Obama
David Remnick.
Senator Edward M. Kennedy tells his extraordinary personal story:

True Compass: A Memoir
by Edward M. Kennedy.

Read Barack Obama's vision for America:

The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream
by Barack Obama

Boran2 and maryb2004 recommend:

The Big Over Easy: A Nursery Crime
by Jasper Fforde

Must-have information for all presidents-and citizens-of the twenty-first century?

Physics for Future Presidents: The Science behind the Headlines
Richard A. Muller

rae recommends:

Dark Ages America: The Final Phase of Empire
by Morris Berman.

On BooMan’s shelf:

Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln
by Doris Kearns Goodwin

This looks interesting:

Adventure Divas
by Holly Morris

Check out
Powell's new section:
NEW FAVORITES

Selected new arrivals at 30% off

Recommended by Indianadem and ejmw:
The Conscience of a Liberal
by Paul Wellstone

From northcountry’s bookshelf:

The New Golden Age:
The Coming Revolution Against
Political Corruption and Economic Chaos
by Ravi Batra


Great Deals
----- * ^ * -----

Find mystery novels by Nancy Pickard ("Kansas")



Challenging Empire: How People, Governments, and the UN Defy US Power by Phyllis Bennis (interviewed on DN!)


Featured by Keith Olbermann, New (Powell's Sale): Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower by William Blum (whose other books merit serious consideration)


"Explosive" State of War: The Secret History of the CIA and the Bush Administration
by James Risen


The book the CIA doesn't want you to read: Jawbreaker: The Attack on Bin Laden and Al Qaeda: A Personal Account by the CIA's Key Field Commander
Larry Johnson's review


BT's all-time best seller:

PERMACULTURE:
A Designers' Manual

$79.95 * Sale: $59.95


Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History (Third Edition)


The Undercover Economist: Exposing Why the Rich Are Rich, the Poor Are Poor And Why You Can Never Buy a Decent Used Car!


The Worst Hard Time: The Untold Story of Those Who Survived the Great American Dust Bowl
by Timothy Egan


Green Press Initiative
----- * ^ * -----


Journalistas: 100 Years of the Best Writing and Reporting by Women Journalists by Eleanor Mills * NYT review


Bury Me Standing: the Gypsies & Their Journey


1491: New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus



Brokeback Mountain
by Annie Proulx
----- * ^ * -----
Check out Powell's
"At The Movies"


Imperial Ambitions: Conversations on the Post-9/11 World by Noam Chomsky (Power & Terror: Post 9-11 Talks)


The Price of Privilege:

How Parental Pressure and
Material Advantage Are Creating a Generation of
Disconnected and Unhappy Kids

by Madeline Levine


Save 35-70% on
name brand clothing,
footwear, and outdoor gear
at SierraTradingPost.com

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We listened to PEN American Center's "State of Emergency" and found 1940s books by Curzio Malaparte only at Alibris. (Selection (MP3) excerpted from "The Skin.")

Alibris - Books You Thought You'd Never Find
Banned Books * Are you a fan of Film Noir, Art House, Documentaries or Hong Kong Action? * Searching for a long-lost children's book or a first printing of Miles Davis' Kind of Blue on vinyl? Find it at Alibris!

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Communist Propaganda

by BooMan
Thu Sep 2nd, 2010 at 09:56:31 PM EST

I just want to post some communist reeducational material for the benefit of Glenn Beck and Haley Barbour.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was enacted on July 2nd. Here are the results of the election in November.

As Eugene Robinson noted on the Rachel Maddow Show tonight, there's a reason that black people all left the Republican Party after 1964.

Comments >> (4 comments)

Casual Observation

by BooMan
Thu Sep 2nd, 2010 at 08:39:48 PM EST

I don't why it is, but we get our asses kicked in August every single year. I'd have to check the data, but it seems like our polling ratings crater in August on a consistent basis. It happened to Dukakis, Kerry, and Obama during their presidential runs (I can't remember if it happened to Clinton or Gore). It happened in 2002 in the run-up to the vote on invading Iraq. It happened last year during the Tea Parties. And it happened last month. It seems like the Republicans actually prepare for the recess and the Democrats just go on vacation. Whatever it is, it's gotta stop.

Comments >> (4 comments)

Make the Damn Argument

by BooMan
Thu Sep 2nd, 2010 at 04:54:02 PM EST

I agree with Joan McCarter completely (per usual) when she says that it's pure baloney that the president is guilty of liberal overreach and that this is the reason Democrats are doing poorly in the polls. I accept her reasoning, too. That's the Republicans' argument, though, and one that is being told in the press. And, this was all kind of predictable, wasn't it? I mean, even if Obama had governed like Zell Miller we'd be seeing the same charges of liberal overreach, and we were always going to lose some seats in the upcoming election. The story writes itself.

I suppose it matters, marginally, how true the story happens to be. True charges should stick better than false ones. That's why we have to tell the truth that the president hasn't done enough to fix the economy because he doesn't have the necessary political support he would need to inject a sufficient amount of money into the cavernous hole the Bushies carved out of it.

It would help us immensely if the Obama administration would make that argument, because we've been making it and it isn't sticking.

Comments >> (13 comments)

Stupid Topics

by BooMan
Thu Sep 2nd, 2010 at 03:10:15 PM EST

I don't care whether or not Glenn Beck is good for Mormonism, but I guess some people do.

Philip Barlow, the Arrington Chair of Mormon History and Culture at Utah State University, said that Beck is "something of a polarizing figure" among the Mormon community.

Barlow noted that Beck's statement that the Constitution is an "inspired document," his calls for limited government and his emphasis on not exiling God from the public sphere "have considerable sympathy in Mormonism."

But Barlow added that Beck's claim that social justice is "a code word for Nazism and fascism" as well as his some of his more inflammatory remarks about his political adversaries have turned off some members of the church.

If Mormonism continues to grow at its current trajectory, in 300 years we could all be Mormons. Happened with Christianity in the Roman Empire. So, maybe I should care if Glenn Beck is good for the religion, but I don't. I don't think most of his fans realize that he's a Mormon, or that they would approve of that if they did know.

Comments >> (8 comments)

A Pre-Review of American Taliban

by BooMan
Thu Sep 2nd, 2010 at 12:49:01 PM EST

Here's a sampling from Jamell Bouie's review of Markos Moulitsas's book American Taliban: How War, Sex, Sin, and Power Bind Jihadists and the Radical Right:

Given the subject matter and his own influence, Moulitsas is sure to find a large audience for American Taliban. This wouldn't be a problem if the book were a careful comparison of populist nationalist movements, highlighting similarities, underscoring differences, and generally documenting points of congruence between the U.S. conservative movement and populist nationalist groups around the world. But it isn't.

Like Liberal Fascism, American Taliban is another entry in the tired genre of "my political opponents are monsters." Indeed, Moulitsas begins the book with the Goldbergian declaration that "in their tactics and on the issues, our homegrown American Taliban are almost indistinguishable from the Afghan Taliban." And he fills the remaining 200-plus pages with similar accusations. In the chapter on power, Moulitsas writes that "the American Taliban seek a tyranny of the believers in which the popular will, the laws of the land, and all of secular society are surrendered to their clerics and ideologues." Which is, of course, why these American Taliban participate in the democratic system and hew to the outcomes of elections. Later in the chapter, Moulitsas argues that the right-wing hates democracy -- they "openly dream of their own regressive brand of religious dictatorship" -- loves war, fears sex, and openly despises women and gays. In the chapter on "war," Moulitsas calls Rep. Michelle Bachmann of Minnesota a "high priestess of the American Taliban" -- a veritable Mullah Omar, it seems! -- and in the final chapter on "truth," Moulitsas concludes by noting the foundational "kinship" between the two Talibans.

Now, it's true that certain tendencies on the American right have analogues in fundamentalist Islam; for example, and as Moulitsas points out in his chapter on sex, right-wing conservatives share a hatred of pornography with fundamentalist Iranian authorities. Of course the similarities end there; conservatives boycott pornography, Iran punishes it with death.

I haven't read the book and so I will not critique it. When I learned that Markos had chosen to write a book about the threat from the American Right, I was generally pleased and pleasantly surprised. It showed me that he understands what it really at stake in our country right now. But when I saw the cover and title of the book I was disappointed that it looked just like a liberal version of Jonah Goldberg's idiotic screed: Liberal Fascism.

What matters, ultimately, is not the cover art or title, but the content of the book. And, to make just one observation about the critique above, the point I believe Markos is making is about what these conservatives would do with absolute power if they could attain it. It's not about what they are doing right now under the constraints of the Constitution and their minority position. So, for example, the reason that social conservatives don't put pornographers to death is not necessarily because they think that is too strong of a punishment; it may be simply because they don't have the votes to make that the punishment.

The threat from the far right, which has now captured one of our two national political parties, is that they do not subscribe to what we might call the post-war consensus. The post-war consensus can be defined as the system that was set up during and after World War Two, which includes the Bretton Woods System, the establishment of the United Nations, the desegregation of the military and the country, the Civil Right's Movement, court rulings defending the separation of church and state, the women's liberation movement, liberal immigration law, gay rights, and so on. We can argue to what degree these social conservatives have accepted the civil rights of black people, but they don't agree on how it was done, as Rand Paul exemplifies.

So, the question is, what would these conservatives like Joe Miller, Joe Buck, Rand Paul, and Sharron Angle do if given power? They are not all the same. Paul, for example, is likely to defend against too much government intrusion into our social lives. But, the rest of them are in a different category. And you can't judge them by what they do now when they are powerless. You can't say, "Hey, these people are engaged in the political process, they're not cutting off anyone's noses, so what are you so worried about?" That misses the point. For all their talk about returning to constitutional principles, the truth is that they want to repeal half of the later amendments. They don't respect the Constitution because it prevents them from running the country as a theocracy or, at a minimum, as a country where Christianity is legally recognized as a favored religion. And that's probably their most innocuous ambition.

Comments >> (16 comments)

Something Strange

by BooMan
Thu Sep 2nd, 2010 at 11:42:10 AM EST

When I was very young, my parents used to say, "don't let the bed bugs bite" while they were putting me to sleep. I didn't know what bed bugs were and I've still never seen one, but apparently they died off right about the time I was born and have now come back with a vengeance. I know they've menaced the home of at least one relative. I hope they don't show up in our home. In any case, check this out:

The classic bedbug strain that all newly caught bugs are compared against is a colony originally from Fort Dix, N.J., that a researcher kept alive for 30 years by letting it feed on him.

But Stephen A. Kells, a University of Minnesota entomologist, said he “prefers not to play with that risk.”

He feeds his bugs expired blood-bank blood through parafilm, which he describes as “waxy Saran Wrap.”

Coby Schal of North Carolina State said he formerly used condoms filled with rabbit blood, but switched to parafilm because his condom budget raised eyebrows with university auditors.

Bug scientists are weird people. Have you seen any bed bugs lately? Have any idea why they don't spread disease like all other people-biting insects?

Comments >> (12 comments)

Middle East: Opening Dinner Statements

by BooMan
Wed Sep 1st, 2010 at 10:52:24 PM EST

I always allow myself to get hopeful when peace talks break out on the Middle East, and my hopes are always dashed. But, there were some very fine statements made tonight at the opening dinner. They are worth a read. No doubt there are little clues riddled throughout that signal where real problems lie, but the sentiments are seemingly sincere. Even Netanyahu's statement showed more enthusiasm that I would have expected. But, you know, these may be fine words, but they are still just words.

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary

________________________________________________________________

For Immediate Release
September 1, 2010

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA,
PRESIDENT HOSNI MUBARAK OF EGYPT,
HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH OF JORDAN,
PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU OF ISRAEL, AND
PRESIDENT MAHMOUD ABBAS OF THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY

BEFORE WORKING DINNER

East Room

7:05 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good evening, everyone. Tomorrow, after nearly two years, Israelis and Palestinians will resume direct talks in pursuit of a goal that we all share —- two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. Tonight, I’m pleased to welcome to the White House key partners in this effort, along with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the representative of our Quartet partners, former Prime Minister Tony Blair.

President Abbas, Prime Minister Netanyahu, Your Majesty King Abdullah, and President Mubarak —- we are but five men. Our dinner this evening will be a small gathering around a single table. Yet when we come together, we will not be alone. We’ll be joined by the generations —- those who have gone before and those who will follow.

Each of you are the heirs of peacemakers who dared greatly -— Begin and Sadat, Rabin and King Hussein -— statesmen who saw the world as it was but also imagined the world as it should be. It is the shoulders of our predecessors upon which we stand. It is their work that we carry on. Now, like each of them, we must ask, do we have the wisdom and the courage to walk the path of peace?

All of us are leaders of our people, who, no matter the language they speak or the faith they practice, all basically seek the same things: to live in security, free from fear; to live in dignity, free from want; to provide for their families and to realize a better tomorrow. Tonight, they look to us, and each of us must decide, will we work diligently to fulfill their aspirations?

And though each of us holds a title of honor —- President, Prime Minister, King —- we are bound by the one title we share. We are fathers, blessed with sons and daughters. So we must ask ourselves what kind of world do we want to bequeath to our children and our grandchildren.

Tonight, and in the days and months ahead, these are the questions that we must answer. And this is a fitting moment to do so.

For Muslims, this is Ramadan. For Jews, this is Elul. It is rare for those two months to coincide. But this year, tonight, they do. Different faiths, different rituals, but a shared period of devotion —- and contemplation. A time to reflect on right and wrong; a time to ponder one’s place in the world; a time when the people of two great religions remind the world of a truth that is both simple and profound, that each of us, all of us, in our hearts and in our lives, are capable of great and lasting change.

In this spirit, I welcome my partners. And I invite each to say a few words before we begin our meal, beginning with President Mubarak, on to His Majesty King Abdullah, Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.

President Mubarak.

PRESIDENT MUBARAK: (As prepared for delivery.) I am pleased to participate with you today in relaunching direct peace negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis. Like you, and the millions of Palestinians, Israelis, Arabs and the rest of the world, I look forward that these negotiations be final and decisive, and that they lead to a peace agreement within one year.

Our meet today would not have taken place without the considerable effort exerted by the American administration under the leadership of President Obama. I pay tribute to you, Mr. President, for your personal, serious commit and for your determination to work for a peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine since the early days of your presidency. I appreciate your perseverance throughout the past period to overcome the difficulties facing the relaunching of the negotiations.

(Continued as translated.) I consider this invitation a manifestation of your commitment and a significant message that the United States will shepherd these negotiations seriously and at the highest level.

No one realizes the value of peace more than those who have known wars and their havoc. It was my destiny to witness over many events in our region during the years of war and peace. I have gone through wars and hostilities, and have participated in the quest for peace since the first day of my administration. I have never spared an effort to push it forward, and I still look forward to its success and completion.

The efforts to achieve peace between the Palestinians and the Israelis encountered many difficulties since the Madrid Conference in October 1999, and progress and regression, breakthroughs and setbacks, but the occupation of the Palestinian Territory remains an independent -- an independent Palestinian state is yet -- remains a dream in the conscious of the Palestinian people.

There is no doubt that this situation should raise great frustration and anger among our people, for it is no longer acceptable or conceivable on the verge of the second decade of the third millennium that we fail to achieve just and true peace -- peace that would put an end to the century of conflict, fulfill the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, lift the occupation, allow for the establishment of normal relations between the Palestinians and Israelis.

It is true that reaching a just and comprehensive peace treaty between both sides has been an elusive hope for almost two decades. Yet the accumulated experience of both parties, the extended rounds of negotiations, and the previous understandings, particularly during the Clinton parameters of 2000, and subsequent understandings of Taba and with the previous Israeli government, all contributed in setting the outline of the final settlement.

This outline has become well known to the international community and to both peoples -- the Palestinian and Israeli people. Hence, it is expected that the current negotiations will not start from scratch or in void. No doubt, the position of the international community, as is stated in the consecutive statements of the Quartet, in particular, in its latest August 20th statement, paid due respect to relevant international resolutions and supported the outline of final settlements using different formulation without prejudice to the outcome of negotiations.

It has stressed that the aim of the soon-to-start direct negotiation is to reach a peaceful settlement that would end the Israeli occupation which began in 1967, allowing for the independent and sovereign state of Palestine to emerge and live side by side in peace and security with the state of Israel.

I met with Prime Minister Netanyahu many times since he took office last year. In our meetings, I listened to assertions on his willingness to achieve peace with the Palestinians, and for history to record his name for such an achievement. I say to him today that I look forward to achieving those assertions in reality, and his success in achieving the long-awaited peace, which I know the people of Israel yearn for, just like all other people in the region.

Reaching just peace with the Palestinians will require from Israel taking important and decisive decisions -- decisions that are undoubtedly difficult yet they will be necessary to achieve peace and stability, and in a different context than the one that prevailed before.

Settlement activities on the Palestinian Territory are contrary to international law. They will not create rights for Israel, nor are they going to achieve peace or security for Israel. It is, therefore, a priority to completely freeze all these activities until the entire negotiation process comes to a successful end.

I say to the Israelis, seize the current opportunity. Do not let it slip through your fingers. Make comprehensive peace your goal. Extend your hand to meet the hand already extended in the Arab Peace Initiative.

I say to President Mahmoud Abbas, Egypt will continue its faithful support to the patient Palestinian people and their just cause. We will continue our concerted efforts to help fulfill the aspirations of your people and retrieve their legitimate rights. We will stand by you until the independent state of Palestine on the land occupied since 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital. We will also continue our efforts to achieve Palestinian reconciliation for the sake of the Palestinian national interest.

Once again, I’d like to express my thanks to President Obama, and I renew Egypt’s commitment to continue exerting all efforts, sharing honest advice and a commitment to the principles on which Arab and regional policy rests upon.

Please accept my appreciation, and peace be upon you. (Applause.)

HIS MAJESTY KING ABDULLAH: (As translated.) In the name of God most merciful, most compassionate, President Obama, peace be upon you.

(In English.) For decades, a Palestinian-Israeli settlement has eluded us. Millions of men, women and children have suffered. Too many people have lost faith in our ability to bring them the peace they want. Radicals and terrorists have exploited frustrations to feed hatred and ignite wars. The whole world has been dragged into regional conflicts that cannot be addressed effectively until Arabs and Israelis find peace.

This past record drives the importance of our efforts today. There are those on both sides who want us to fail, who will do everything in their power to disrupt our efforts today -- because when the Palestinians and Israelis find peace, when young men and women can look to a future of promise and opportunity, radicals and extremists lose their most potent appeal. This is why we must prevail. For our failure would be their success in sinking the region into more instability and wars that will cause further suffering in our region and beyond.

President Obama, we value your commitment to the cause of peace in our region. We count on your continued engagement to help the parties move forward. You have said that Middle East peace is in the national security interest of your country. And we believe it is. And it is also a strategic European interest, and it is a necessary requirement for global security and stability. Peace is also a right for every citizen in our region.

A Palestinian-Israeli settlement on the basis of two states living side by side is a precondition for security and stability of all countries of the Middle East, with a regional peace that will lead to normal relations between Israel and 57 Arab and Muslim states that have endorsed the Arab Peace Initiative. That would be -- well, that would also be an essential step towards neutralizing forces of evil and war that threaten all peoples.

Mr. President, we need your support as a mediator, honest broker, and a partner, as the parties move along the hard but inevitable path of settlements.

Your Excellencies, all eyes are upon us. The direct negotiations that will start tomorrow must show results -- and sooner rather than later. Time is not on our side. That is why we must spare no effort in addressing all final status issues with a view to reaching the two-state solution, the only solution that can create a future worthy of our great region -- a future of peace in which fathers and mothers can raise their children without fear, young people can look forward to lives of achievement and hope, and 300 million people can cooperate for mutual benefit.

For too long, too many people of the region have been denied their most basic of human rights: the right to live in peace and security; respected in their human dignity; enjoying freedom and opportunity. If hopes are disappointed again, the price of failure will be too high for all.

Our peoples want us to rise to their expectations. And we can do so if we approach these negotiations with goodwill, sincerity and courage. (Applause.)

PRIME MINISTER NETANYAHU: Mr. President, Excellencies, Shalom Aleichem. Shalom Alkulanu. Peace unto us all.

I’m very pleased to be here today to begin our common effort to achieve a lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

I want to thank you, President Obama, for your tireless efforts to renew this quest for peace. I want to thank Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Senator Mitchell, the many members of the Obama administration, and Tony Blair, who’ve all worked so hard to bring Israelis and Palestinians together here today.

I also want to thank President Mubarak and King Abdullah for their dedicated and meaningful support to promote peace, security, and stability throughout our region. I deeply appreciate your presence here today.

I began with a Hebrew word for peace, “shalom.” Our goal is shalom. Our goal is to forge a secure and durable peace between Israelis and Palestinians. We don’t seek a brief interlude between two wars. We don’t seek a temporary respite between outbursts of terror. We seek a peace that will end the conflict between us once and for all. We seek a peace that will last for generations -- our generation, our children’s generation, and the next.

This is the peace my people fervently want. This is the peace all our peoples fervently aspire to. This is the peace they deserve.

Now, a lasting peace is a peace between peoples -- between Israelis and Palestinians. We must learn to live together, to live next to one another and with one another. But every peace begins with leaders.

President Abbas, you are my partner in peace. And it is up to us, with the help of our friends, to conclude the agonizing conflict between our peoples and to afford them a new beginning. The Jewish people are not strangers in our ancestral homeland, the land of our forefathers. But we recognize that another people shares this land with us.

I came here today to find an historic compromise that will enable both our peoples to live in peace and security and in dignity. I’ve been making the case for Israel all of my life. But I didn’t come here today to make an argument. I came here today to make peace. I didn’t come here today to play a blame game where even the winners lose. Everybody loses if there’s no peace. I came here to achieve a peace that will bring a lasting benefit to us all.

I didn’t come here to find excuses or to make them. I came here to find solutions. I know the history of our conflict and the sacrifices that have been made. I know the grief that has afflicted so many families who have lost their dearest loved ones. Only yesterday four Israelis, including a pregnant women -- a pregnant woman -- and another woman, a mother of six children, were brutally murdered by savage terrorists. And two hours ago, there was another terror attack. And thank God no one died. I will not let the terrorists block our path to peace, but as these events underscore once again, that peace must be anchored in security.

I’m prepared to walk down the path of peace, because I know what peace would mean for our children and for our grandchildren. I know it would herald a new beginning that could unleash unprecedented opportunities for Israelis, for Palestinians, and for the peoples -- all the peoples -- of our region, and well beyond our region. I think it would affect the world.

I see what a period of calm has created in the Palestinian cities of Ramallah, of Janin, throughout the West Bank, a great economic boom. And real peace can turn this boom into a permanent era of progress and hope.

If we work together, we can take advantage of the great benefits afforded by our unique place under the sun. We’re the crossroads of three continents, at the crossroads of history, and the crossroads of the future. Our geography, our history, our culture, our climate, the talents of our people can be unleashed to create extraordinary opportunities in tourism, in trade, in industry, in energy, in water, in so many areas.

But peace must also be defended against its enemies. We want the skyline of the West Bank to be dominated by apartment towers -- not missiles. We want the roads of the West Bank to flow with commerce -- not terrorists.

And this is not a theoretic request for our people. We left Lebanon, and we got terror. We left Gaza, and we got terror once again. We want to ensure that territory we’ll concede will not be turned into a third Iranian-sponsored terror enclave armed at the heart of Israel -- and may I add, also aimed at every one of us sitting on this stage.

This is why a defensible peace requires security arrangements that can withstand the test of time and the many challenges that are sure to confront us. And there will be many challenges, both great and small. Let us not get bogged down by every difference between us. Let us direct our courage, our thinking, and our decisions at those historic decisions that lie ahead.

Now, there are many skeptics. One thing there’s no shortage of, Mr. President, are skeptics. This is something that you’re so familiar with, that all of us in a position of leadership are familiar with. There are many skeptics. I suppose there are many reasons for skepticism. But I have no doubt that peace is possible.

President Abbas, we cannot erase the past, but it is within our power to change the future. Thousands of years ago, on these very hills where Israelis and Palestinians live today, the Jewish prophet Isaiah and the other prophets of my people envisaged a future of lasting peace for all mankind. Let today be an auspicious step in our joint effort to realize that ancient vision for a better future. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT ABBAS: (As translated.) His Excellency President Barack Obama, His Excellency President Hosni Mubarak, His Majesty King Abdullah II, His Excellency Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, Mr. Tony Blair, ladies and gentlemen.

I would like to start by thanking President Obama for his invitation to host us here today to relaunch the permanent status negotiations to reach a Palestinian-Israeli peace agreement covering all the permanent status issues within a year in accordance with international law and relevant resolutions.

As we move towards the relaunch of these negotiations tomorrow, we recognize the difficulties, challenges and obstacles that lie ahead. Yet we assure you, in the name of the PLO, that we will draw on years of experience in negotiations and benefit from the lessons learned to make these negotiations successful.

We also reiterate our commitment to carry out all our obligations, and we call on the Israelis to carry out their obligations, including a freeze on settlements activities, which is not setting a precondition but a call to implement an agreed obligation and to end all the closure and blockade, preventing freedom of movement, including the (inaudible) siege.

We will spare no effort and will work diligently and tirelessly to ensure that these new negotiations achieve their goals and objectives in dealing with all of the issues: Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, border security, water, as well as the release of all our prisoners -- in order to achieve peace. The people of our area are looking for peace that achieves freedom, independence, and justice to the Palestinian people in their country and in their homeland and in the diaspora -- our people who have endured decades of longstanding suffering.

We want a peace that will correct the historical injustice caused by the (inaudible) of 1948, and one that brings security to our people and the Israeli people. And we want peace that will give us both and the people of the region a new era where we enjoy just peace, stability, and prosperity.

Our determination stems to a great extent from your willpower, Mr. President, and your firm and sweeping drive with which you engulfed the entire world from the day you took office to set the parties on the path for peace -- and also this same spirit, exhibited by Secretary Hillary Clinton and Senator George Mitchell and his team. The presence of His Excellency President Mubarak and His Majesty King Abdullah is another telling indication of their substantial and effective commitment overall, where Egypt and Jordan have been playing a supportive role for advancing the peace process. Their effective role is further demonstrated by the Arab Peace Initiative, which was fully endorsed by all of the Arab states, and the Islamic countries as well.

This initiative served a genuine and sincere opportunity to achieve a just and comprehensive peace on all tracks in our region, including the Syrian-Israeli track and the Lebanese-Israeli track, and provided a sincere opportunity to make peace.

The presence here today of the envoy of the Quartet, Mr. Tony Blair, is a most telling signal, especially since he has been personally involved in the Palestinian Authority for many years and in the efforts for state building in Palestine.

Excellencies, the time has come for us to make peace and it is time to end the occupation that started in 1967, and for the Palestinian people to get freedom, justice, and independence. It is time that a independent Palestinian state be established with sovereignty side by side with the state of Israel. It is time to put an end to the struggle in the Middle East.

The Palestinian people who insist on the rights and freedom and independence are in most need for justice, security, and peace, because they are the victim, the ones that were harmed the most from this violence. And it is sending message to our neighbors, the Israelis, and to the world that they are also careful about supporting the opportunities for the success of these negotiations and the just and lasting peace as soon as possible.

With this spirit, we will work to make these negotiations succeed. And with this spirit, we are -- trust that we are capable to achieve our historical, difficult mission -- making peace in the land of peace.

Mr. Netanyahu, what happened yesterday and what is happening today is also condemned. We do not want at all that any blood be shed, one drop of blood, on the part of the -- from the Israelis or the Palestinians. We want people in the two countries to lead a normal life. We want them to live as neighbors and partners forever. Let us sign an agreement, a final agreement, for peace, and put an end to a very long period of struggle forever.

And peace be upon you. (Applause.)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I want to thank all the leaders for their thoughtful statements. I want to thank the delegations that are represented here because they are the ones who oftentimes are doing a lot of the work. This is just the beginning. We have a long road ahead, but I appreciate very much the leaders who are represented here for giving us such an excellent start.

And I particularly want to commend Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas for their presence here. This is not easy. Both of them have constituencies with legitimate claims, legitimate concerns, and a lot of history between them. For them to be here, to be willing to take this first step -- the most difficult step -- is a testament to their courage and their integrity and I think their vision for the future.

And so I am hopeful -- cautiously hopeful, but hopeful -- that we can achieve the goal that all four of these leaders articulated.

Thank you very much, everybody.

Somehow, when something like this happens, it makes a lot of other things seem petty. Here's hoping it comes to something.

Comments >> (25 comments)

How Did Democrats Get Here?

by BooMan
Wed Sep 1st, 2010 at 04:54:09 PM EST

Anyone want to provide Nate Silver with an overdetermined answer?

Comments >> (24 comments)

Serious Question

by BooMan
Wed Sep 1st, 2010 at 02:49:29 PM EST

Should the DSCC spend precious resources on Scott McAdams in the Alaska senatorial race? I don't know, but I do know that it doesn't cost a lot to compete in Alaska's media market. In my opinion, the blogosphere should raise a couple million for McAdams in September and see if that changes the look of play in the race. We're talking about a six-year term here. It seems worth it to me to fight for a winnable seat to avoid having a lunatic serving in the Senate for the remainder of Obama's presidency. What do you think?

You can donate to McAdams here.

Comments >> (9 comments)

Can Alan Simpson Go Away, Please?

by BooMan
Wed Sep 1st, 2010 at 12:50:10 PM EST

I've stayed out of the Social Security wars because I am in favor of addressing our long-term structural debt, and I am a realist about how Washington DC views its debt obligations. I acknowledge that the makeup of the commission is tilted against the progressive position on how to fix our fiscal house, but I am willing to wait for their recommendations before working on a full-scale campaign to discredit their work. I haven't had a word of criticism for those who choose to do advance work, but I have no desire to join them. But Alan Simpson is really a problem. I can put up with him acting like a pompous ass, but he's now stepping all over the president's message. Last night, the president said the following to the nation:

Part of that responsibility is making sure that we honor our commitments to those who have served our country with such valor. As long as I am President, we will maintain the finest fighting force that the world has ever known, and we will do whatever it takes to serve our veterans as well as they have served us. This is a sacred trust. That’s why we’ve already made one of the largest increases in funding for veterans in decades. We’re treating the signature wounds of today’s wars -- post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury -- while providing the health care and benefits that all of our veterans have earned. And we’re funding a Post-9/11 GI Bill that helps our veterans and their families pursue the dream of a college education. Just as the GI Bill helped those who fought World War II -- including my grandfather -- become the backbone of our middle class, so today’s servicemen and women must have the chance to apply their gifts to expand the American economy. Because part of ending a war responsibly is standing by those who have fought it.

The next day we're greeted to an Associated Press story where Simpson blames veterans for gobbling up too much money in health benefits.

"The irony (is) that the veterans who saved this country are now, in a way, not helping us to save the country in this fiscal mess," said Simpson, an Army veteran who was once chairman of the Senate Veterans' Affairs Committee.

Can I just say, shut the fuck up?

The issue in context is a bit contentious and relates only to a subset of veterans who were exposed, or may have been exposed, to Agent Orange. But the context is almost irrelevant. You don't tell a combat veteran that he or she isn't helping to save the country by failing to renounce some of his or her benefits. If Simpson considers it part of his job to embarrass the president once a week, the president should consider it part of his job to replace Simpson.

Comments >> (39 comments)

Thoughts on Obama's Address

by BooMan
Wed Sep 1st, 2010 at 10:44:30 AM EST

National Review hated the president's speech, while William Kristol loved it. I don't know if that means anything. It wasn't what I wanted to hear, but the speech wasn't for me. Regardless, I won't personally be turning the page on the Bush years or their decision to invade Iraq under the circumstances in which they chose to do so. And there are going to be costs to our society that we're treating the Bush administration's sins as little more than a shanked golf shot. In effect, we're asking the world for a mulligan, rather taking responsibility for the real score. There's an accountability gap that will be filled by posterity and may cause more tangible problems for our country, as well.

On the other hand, Obama deserves credit for accomplishing an orderly withdrawal of two-thirds of our troops and millions of pieces of equipment. He deserves credit for holding firm on his promise to remove all troops by next year. He was infinitely more magnanimous to the lunatics that created this mess than he had to be. At least Bill Kristol showed enough of a trace of honor to acknowledge Obama's generosity.

I just hope we don't fool ourselves into thinking Iraq was a success or a victory. That would have the worst implications for the future.

Comments >> (53 comments)

I'm sick of these stories

by Steven D
Tue Aug 31st, 2010 at 06:50:42 PM EST

After nine years -- yes nine long mostly futile years -- we are still reading about these stories, military and civilian families are still mourning the loss of their loved ones and I am still wondering what in hell has all the death and destruction and havoc our military machine has wreaked on Afghanistan has accomplished:

KANDAHAR, Afghanistan — U.S. forces lost 22 soldiers in Afghanistan, mostly to roadside bombs, since Friday, marking a bloody step-up in the insurgency as a major U.S.-led offensive seeks to capture the spiritual homeland of the Taliban movement in Kandahar.

The U.S.-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan said it's gaining ground against the insurgents, but violence is rising across the country, including in areas that were considered relatively safe.

Every year it's the same thing. Another offensive, another promise by the generals that we're making gains, another bunch of innocent civilians bombed and slaughtered, another group of soldiers who died fighting with little if any progress to show for it. And it's not as if things in Iraq are really a whole lot better now that we have reduced our presence in that country to 50,000 or so "non-combat" troops.

Iraq is as much a mess as ever despite the spin the politicians, left and right have put on the situation. It would be comical watching Democrats and Republicans fighting over who won Iraq, when the truth is that Iraq still suffers from an alarming lack of stability, a government that can deliver adequate water and electrical services to its people, sectarian conflict and regular outbreaks of violence and death:

BAGHDAD, Aug. 28 (Xinhua) -- A fresh wave of coordinated bombings swept across Iraq's major cities on Wednesday, only one day after the United States downsized its troops below 50,000, some Iraqi experts said that after more than seven years of military occupation, violence is one of the few U.S. legacies left in Iraq.

"Now the Americans are leaving, the clearest fingerprints they left on Iraq that any Iraqi can perceive are torture, corruption and civil war," Nuri Hadi, an Iraqi political analyst told Xinhua in a recent interview. [...]

Hadi said the latest wave of deadly bombings on Wednesday in Iraq's major cities, which left 64 people killed and more than 272 wounded, made the timing of the U.S. troops withdrawal from Iraq looks more untimely, and the Obama administration's repeated claim of Iraqi security force can stand on their own two feet, say, more untenable.

"With the partial pullout of the U.S. troops at the end of August, the violence in Iraq is widely expected to increase," he said.

"I think the Qaida militants have showed that they reorganized themselves, and during the past few months they proved that they have the ability to launch sporadic deadly and massive attacks in Baghdad and other Iraqi cities," Hadi said, adding "but I still believe the Iraqi security forces seem have the capability to fight back."

However, Hadi said "we have to admit that a large part of the insurgent groups in Iraq are directly or indirectly linked to political parties participating in the political process, then the security will largely depend on whether those parties are willing to find peaceful means to settle their differences and their struggle on power, or they will simply rise their weapons to fight each other."

If any lesson should have been learned from the past decade it is that war is rarely the answer to any crisis, and with respect to the 9/11 attacks it was definitely the wrong answer. And all the crocodile tears being shed over Iraq by those like Tony Blair that no one foresaw how badly things would go after the "shock and awe" was over is no excuse:

Tony Blair admits that Britain and the US failed to anticipate, after the invasion of Iraq, "the nightmare that unfolded" as al-Qaida and Iran destabilised the country after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003.

In an emotional chapter in his memoirs on the Iraq war, in which he admits to shedding many tears at the loss of so many lives, the former prime minister insists that military action was justified and refuses to offer an apology for joining forces with George Bush.

Blair is either a liar or he was not fit to serve as the United Kingdom's Prime Minister. Only a US President like George W. Bush could make him look half-way competent as a leader in comparison. That he refuses to admit how horrible were his actions regarding the Iraq war and offer even the barest apology for them is evidence of a man who knows he's guilty of committing war crimes and has chosen the option of denial and continuing to spread the lies about the role he played in enabling Bush rather than tell the truth. A truth many have known for years and a truth Blair himself knew before the invasion of Iraq began:

DAVID MANNING
From: Matthew Rycroft
Date: 23 July 2002
S 195 02
cc: Defence Secretary, Foreign Secretary, Attorney-General, Sir Richard Wilson, John Scarlett, Francis Richards, CDS, C, Jonathan Powell, Sally Morgan, Alastair Campbell

IRAQ: PRIME MINISTER'S MEETING, 23 JULY

Copy addressees and you met the Prime Minister on 23 July to discuss Iraq.

This record is extremely sensitive. No further copies should be made. It should be shown only to those with a genuine need to know its contents. [...]

The Defence Secretary said that the US had already begun "spikes of activity" to put pressure on the regime. No decisions had been taken, but he thought the most likely timing in US minds for military action to begin was January, with the timeline beginning 30 days before the US Congressional elections.

The Foreign Secretary said he would discuss this with Colin Powell this week. It seemed clear that Bush had made up his mind to take military action, even if the timing was not yet decided. But the case was thin. Saddam was not threatening his neighbours, and his WMD capability was less than that of Libya, North Korea or Iran. [Note: italics are mine]

We cannot have a do-over in Iraq and Afghanistan. It's far too late to ever repair the damage we've done and continue to do. However, we can start to recognize that continuing a Western military presence "over there" will never be part of an effective strategy to resolve the problems of international terrorism, regional instability, the opium and heroin trade, the increased influence of Iran's radical government in the region as a result of destroying Saddam's regime, or the proliferation of nuclear weapons. It won't even get the oil wealth to flow into the coffers of Big Oil which Bush as much as admitted in 2005 was the primary reason we attacked Iraq, and which Alan Greenspan confirmed in 2007.

The sooner the Obama administration and the American people accept that we need to bring all the troops home, the better it will be for all concerned.

Comments >> (9 comments)

It Seems Like We Have Been Here Before

by BooMan
Tue Aug 31st, 2010 at 03:54:49 PM EST

Think Progress has compiled an enlightening list of all the primary races they could find where a defeated Republican has failed to endorse the winner. Almost every case involves a Tea Party candidate vs. an Establishment candidate, although both sides have come out on top. It has been a brutal primary season for the Republicans, and not just in the high profile cases involving dispatched incumbents. If the past is prologue, I think we can see where this is going. Here are some excerpts from Linda Killian's wonderful 1998 book: The Freshmen: What Happened to the Republican Revolution?

First, there's the similar lack of focus on actual policy and the nuts and bolts of legislating:

So much of went wrong with the 104th Congress came down to the fact that the Republicans just hadn't given any thought to how they were going to run things once they took over. They came up with a nifty campaign plan, some good slogans and buzzwords, some basic tenets about balancing the budget and cutting government. But Gingrich and company had no real game plan for what came next. They were making it up as they went along...

...Gingrich had focused for so many years on the struggle of overthrowing the Democrats that he hadn't paid too much attention to how a bill becomes a law. It isn't by one party in one house in one branch of government attempting to dictate its will to everyone else.

In a way, this same criticism can applied to a lot of progressives who struggled so long to overthrow the Republicans only to discover that Washington still knows how to prevent substantial change. But it is the current crop of radical Republicans who are going to find themselves in a familiar tussle when they get to Washington next year.

Gingrich may have been impatient with the freshmen's stubbornness, but he understood that he held the Speakership because of them, and he knew that to hold on to it the freshmen would have to keep their seats...

...Gingrich may have wondered what kind of genie he had unleashed by empowering the freshmen, but it was too late to shove them back in the bottle. When Ross Perot announced in August that he planned to form a third party, Gingrich quipped that he already had a third party in the House: "It's called the freshmen class."

A lot of the class of 1994 is still around in DC, but now they are the Establishment. They may recognize earlier versions of themselves in next year's class.

These Republican freshmen were different from any that had come before them; they were different from senior members of their own party. For one thing, [Rep. Van] Hilleary and his classmates were considerably younger. Almost 60 percent of them had not yet turned forty-five. They were a new generation. The first Republican president of their adult lives was Ronald Reagan. Reagan was a God to them, a religion. He represented a shining example of what the Republican Party should stand for. Most of them would say without hesitation that he was one of the finest presidents in history.

Never mind that they had arrived in Washington specifically to fix the mess that Ronald Reagan had begun, with his tax cuts, military spending on steroids, and unchecked government growth. It was under Reagan that the federal deficit first hit $200 billion. But never mind that. It was what Reagan represented, not what he really was, that they loved- that clean-cut, gung-ho, America-first, pro-business, shining-city-on-a-hill thing he had going. They loved it because that was who they who they were, too. They did seem much angrier than Reagan ever was, though. And louder.

Obviously, we've been through this before. A two-term Republican president creates massive deficits which he leaves to a Democratic successor. Conservatives go crazy about the deficit once their guy is no longer in power. A riled-up base elects a bunch of whack-a-doodles to Congress who feel like they are on some kind of messianic mission to tear apart the federal government. Let's just hope Obama isn't getting any extracurricular fellatio, cuz we know how that'll turn out.

Comments >> (12 comments)

Shutting Down the Government

by BooMan
Tue Aug 31st, 2010 at 12:40:12 PM EST

Steve Benen thinks the Republicans, next year, are more likely than not to shut down the government like they did in 1995.

Likely Senate candidate Joe Miller (R) in Alaska told Fox News last week that GOP lawmakers must have the "courage to shut down the government" in order to eliminate government programs he doesn't like. Right-wing CNN personality Erick Erickson said with child-like excitement yesterday, "I'm almost giddy thinking about a government shutdown next year. I cannot wait!"

And sleazy GOP consultant Dick Morris told activists late last week that Republicans should do exactly as Gingrich/Dole did 15 years ago, but this time it'll work out better.

If the Republicans gain control of either house of Congress, it will be very unlikely that they will produce a budget that Obama is willing to sign. I just don't see how Boehner or McConnell could persuade their freshmen to produce a reasonable budget. But it's more likely that the Republicans will fall short of winning majorities. Even in that scenario, however, it's unlikely that the Senate could produce the votes for a reasonable budget.

On the other hand, the Republicans know that they got burned the last time they couldn't produce a budget that a Democratic president would sign, so they aren't going to be eager to repeat that mistake.

The problem is, I don't think the GOP has control of its base and it won't have control of the freshman class, either. They probably will create another impasse that involves continuing resolutions to keep the government operating. Whether they will back down before or after the government actually shuts up shop is unknowable right now.

One thing that is different is that the 1995 freshman class had actual demands, like the elimination of the Commerce Department, that they were holding out for. This time, there is no single issue that unites the candidates. They don't like bail-outs. Whoop-de-doo. Government is too big. Yeah...And?

What we're looking at is basically a train-wreck. The only way to avoid it is to win a net senate seat and maintain control of the House. That's a tall order, but the stakes are high.

Comments >> (17 comments)

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